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Defending American Values from a President Run Amok
by Glenn Greenwald
It is not desirable or fulfilling to realize that one does not trust one's
own government and must disbelieve its statements, and I tried, along
with scores of others, to avoid making that choice until the facts no longer
permitted such logic.
Soon after our invasion of Iraq, when it became apparent that, contrary
to Bush administration claims, there were no weapons of mass
destruction, I began concluding, reluctantly, that the administration had
veered far off course from defending the country against the threats of
Muslim extremism. It appeared that in the great national unity the September
11 attacks had engendered, the administration had seen not a historically
unique opportunity to renew a sense of national identity and
cohesion, but instead a potent political weapon with which to impose
upon our citizens a whole series of policies and programs that had nothing
to do with terrorism, but that could be rationalized through an appeal
to the nation's fear of further terrorist attacks.
And in the aftermath of the Iraq invasion came a whole host of revelations
that took on an increasingly extremist, sinister, and decidedly un-
American tenor. The United States was using torture as an interrogation
tool, in contravention of legal prohibitions. We were violating international
treaties we had signed, sending suspects in our custody for interrogation
to the countries most skilled in human rights abuses. And as part
of judicial proceedings involving Yaser Esam Hamdi, another U.S. citizen
whom the Bush administration had detained with no trial and no access
to counsel, George W. Bush began expressly advocating theories of executive
power that were so radical that they represented the polar opposite of
America's founding principles.
With all of these extremist and plainly illegal policies piling up, I
sought to understand what legal and constitutional justifications the Bush
administration could invoke to engage in such conduct. What I discovered,
to my genuine amazement and alarm, is that these actions had their
roots in sweeping, extremist theories of presidential power that many
administration officials had been advocating for years before George Bush
was even elected. The 9/11 attacks provided them with the opportunity to
officially embrace those theories. In the aftermath of the attack, senior
lawyers in the Bush Justice Department had secretly issued legal memoranda
stating that the president can seize literally absolute, unchecked
power in order to defend the country against terrorism. To assert, as they
did, that neither Congress nor the courts can place any limits on the
president's
decisions is to say that the president is above the law. Once it
became apparent that the administration had truly adopted these radical
theories and had begun exerting these limitless, kinglike powers, I could
no longer afford to ignore them.
The 9/11 attacks were not the first time our nation has had to face a
new and amoral enemy. Throughout our history, we have vanquished
numerous enemies at least as strong and as threatening as a group of
jihadist terrorists without having the president seize the power to break
the law. As a nation, we have triumphed over a series of external enemies
and overcome internal struggles, and we have done so not by abandoning
our core principles in the name of fear but by insisting on an adherence
to our fundamental political values.
In response to the many controversies and scandals concerning its
misconduct, the Bush administration has invariably dismissed them, focusing
instead on deliberately spreading an all-consuming, highly exploitative
fear of terrorists. No matter what the accusation, the administration trots
out its favorite tool: manipulative fear-mongering. Public appearances by
senior Bush officials over the last four years have rarely missed the
opportunity
for a calculated and cynical invocation of mushroom clouds, homicidal
dictators, and a never-ending parade of new and destructive weapons.
The language of fear is the Bush administration's lingo.
Copyright by Glenn Greenwald. All rights reserved. No part of this book maybe transmitted in any form by any means without permission in writing from the publisher, Working Assets Publishing (www.workingassetspublishing.com).
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