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The 500-Year Story of How Our Houses Became Our Homes
by Judith Flanders
There is always an inherent anachronism in how the great majority
of the population experiences housing. For most of history, at the
top of the social scale people lived, or wanted to live, in houses that
were newly constructed. It was only in the past century that having
an old house generally came to be accepted as a status symbol for
the rich. Previously, among those who could afford it, each generation
frequently razed and rebuilt their houses in the style of the day.
Otherwise, living in an older building has always been, and continues
to be, the norm. Most people living in London in the first half of
the nineteenth century, for example, lived in eighteenth- or even
seventeenth-century housing, just as millions of twenty-first-century
Britons live in nineteenth- and early-twentieth-century houses, or
millions of New Yorkers live in apartment buildings that date from
around World War II.
If few people lived in new and fashionable houses, even fewer lived
in houses designed by architects. There is an important distinction to
be made between architecture, buildings designed by architects, and
housing, buildings built by builders, or by their residents. At most,
5 per cent of the world's housing standing today is architect-designed.
(Some think it might be even less, possibly less than 1 per cent.) Those
people who do employ an architect for their housing have historically
been, almost without exception, the wealthy and privileged, who use
buildings to make statements, express power or hierarchy, or reinforce
the status quo. Yet these buildings have always been a tiny minority
of what was constructed, and lived in. In the early part of the nineteenth
century, the aristocracy in Britain, the architect-employing
class, consisted of 350 families in a population of 18 million. Only for
a few decades in the twentieth century did architects in any number
design extensively for the working classes, producing social housing
after both world wars. Instead, from the late seventeenth century in
the British Isles, from the nineteenth century in the USA, Germany
and the Netherlands, most housing was produced by speculative
builders, a market-driven approach that meant houses were built
for people whose tastes the builder did not know. The results were
therefore routinely conservative in style, literally reconstructions of
houses that had already proved popular.
Just as we need to be wary about assuming that the people of any
one period all lived in houses dating from that time, so too caution
is required in assessing the size of houses of the past from what has
survived. Most of the population in most areas lived in housing
not any larger than the 'kennel' that so shocked the geologists in
Siberia. Many of what today are frequently described as old workers'
cottages were originally farmhouses of the comfortably-off, or even
small manor houses. As well-to-do yeomen farmers built themselves
larger houses in newer styles, the older houses were handed down to
their workers, inadvertently giving later ages the notion that these
houses had been what the working poor had been accustomed to.
In England, this was exacerbated by what historians call the Great
Rebuilding, a country-wide wave of construction that began in the
southeast in the mid-sixteenth century, propelled by, among other
things, relative political stability, a thriving economy and new technologies
that enabled increased brick-manufacture and fireplaces that
were re-sited from the centre of the room to its walls. From the late
sixteenth to the seventeenth century, many of the vernacular buildings
in England were rebuilt completely, many more were altered to
a lesser degree, and more were entirely new. The Great Rebuilding
began with upper-class housing, but by the early eighteenth century
it had spread to those with less money.
Excerpted from The Making of Home by Judith Flanders. Copyright © 2015 by Judith Flanders. Excerpted by permission of Thomas Dunne Books. All rights reserved. No part of this excerpt may be reproduced or reprinted without permission in writing from the publisher.
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